NCC2 is a coup to grab power

 |Oct 19, 2016
These are the proposed members of Mahathir's NCC2.
These are the proposed members of Mahathir’s NCC2.

Three weeks after the March 8, 2008 general election, Umno Selangor organised a forum at the Hotel Singgahsana in Petaling Jaya.

In attendance, of course, were Khir Toyo, who had just been deposed as the Selangor Menteri Besar, plus Mahathir Mohamad and his son, Mukhriz.

Also in attendance was Mahathir loyalist, Ummi Hafilda Ali, sister to current Selangor Menteri Besar Azmin Ali, who, together with Khairuddin Abu Hassan and Rahim Thamby Chik, fixed up Anwar Ibrahim on the sodomy charges ten years before that in 1998.

It was almost like a 10th year anniversary gathering of all those who had sent Anwar to jail on sodomy charges soon after the launch of the book ‘50 Dalil Kenapa Anwar Ibrahim Tidak Boleh Jadi PM’.

I attended that gathering out of curiosity and one thing that amused me was when one Umno Youth chap took the microphone to propose that Umno seek a way to reconcile with Anwar Ibrahim.

He was immediately accosted and dragged outside.

I realised he was in deep shit so I asked one of my ‘bodyguards’ to follow them.

This poor chap was punched and kicked by about half a dozen Umno ‘security guards’ and my chap managed to stop them from killing that hapless chap who went home quite badly cut and bruised.

Anyway, what was most important about that meeting (as far as I was concerned) is not the attack on that Umno Youth chap who proposed they seek a way to reconcile with Anwar but the proposal that Mahathir made during that forum.

Mahathir announced that the next prime minister after Abdullah Ahmad Badawi will be ‘guided’ by and will take instructions from a presidential council or a council of elders.

It is going to be like a secret society or a government within a government.

This council is going to be above the Prime Minister and will be a sort of ‘shadow cabinet’.

The cabinet is useless, explained Mahathir, because the cabinet was appointed by the prime minister so, of course, would be under the prime minister and takes instructions from the prime minister.

What Mahathir wanted was a council that is not appointed by the prime minister or is subservient to the prime minister.

In fact, the prime minister would be subservient to and take instructions from (or, as Mahathir said, ‘guided by’) the council.

Do you remember British Malaya of days gone by?

British advisers would be appointed to advice the sultans who were obligated to take this ‘advice’.

The British call this ‘gunboat diplomacy’.

This means you aim your ship’s cannons at the sultan’s palace (at that time palaces were built beside the river for obvious reasons since there were no roads yet) and the British sdvisers would ‘advice’ the sultan on what to do and not do (who knew better than to argue with 20 cannons aimed at his palace).

So technically the British did not colonise or run Malaya (other than the Straits Settlements states that came under the Indian administration).

The sultans were independent and made their own laws (Shariah laws, of course).

But the British would ‘guide’ the sultans in the running of their states.

This is basically what Mahathir was proposing in that April 2008 forum at the Hotel Singgahsana in Petaling Jaya.

Once Abdullah was ousted (which Mahathir had been trying to do since June 2006) the next prime minister would take over but would be controlled by this presidential council or a council of elders.

Almost one year to the day, on Apr 3, 2009, Abdullah resigned and Najib Razak took over as prime minister.

So now the new prime minister has been installed to replace the very troublesome Abdullah and this new Prime Minister Najib can at last be told what to do (which Abdullah could not be told what to do, especially regarding his son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin).

Ummi Hafilda quit Umno the day Muhyiddin was sacked from Najib's cabinet.
Ummi Hafilda quit Umno the day Muhyiddin was sacked from Najib’s cabinet.

This was what Time reported:

Under the premiership of his father-in-law (2003–2009), Khairy rose to prominence within Umno and Malaysian politics generally.

He became the deputy chief of Umno’s youth wing and served as a close personal adviser to Abdullah.

Khairy’s perceived influence on Abdullah (Badawi) made both men a target for criticism, including from Abdullah’s predecessor Mahathir.

On this allegation, Khairy replied that “I am a pretty easy scapegoat. [But] the decisions Mahathir is unhappy with are entirely made by the prime minister and the cabinet.”

So, just four months after Mahathir launched his move to oust Abdullah in June 2006, Khairy revealed why Mahathir was pissed.

Mahathir was actually pissed with Khairy and he felt that the only way to bring down Khairy would be to bring down Abdullah.

When Mahathir attended that April 2008 forum in Singgahsana, part of his anger was that Khairy was given a seat to contest in the March 2008 general election (and won the Rembau seat of Negeri Sembilan against PKR’s Chegubard).

That gave Khairy more bite.

In 2009, Khairy contested the Umno Youth leadership and won in a three-corner contest with Mukhriz and Khir Toyo.

This made Mahathir even angrier because if Najib had instructed (or threatened) Khir Toyo to not contest, Mahathir believed that, in a straight fight, Mukhriz would have won.

In other words, Mahathir believed that if it was a straight fight between Khairy and Mukhriz, all those who voted for Khir would have instead voted for Mukhriz.

This belief is based on the fact that Khairy garnered 304 votes, Khir 254 votes, while Mukhriz got 232 votes.

So, if Khir did not contest, then Mukhriz would have garnered 486 votes (Khir’s 254 votes added to Mukhriz’s 232 votes) against Khairy’s 304 votes.

That means Mukhriz and not Khairy would have been the Umno Youth leader in 2009.

But it does not work out that way.

You cannot assume that those who voted for Khir would have voted for Mukhriz if it was a straight fight instead of a three-corner fight.

For example, when Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah fought Musa Hitam, those people who voted for Kuli did not vote for him when he contested against Mahathir.

One person I personally know, Saad Man, Mahathir’s one-time political secretary, voted for Tengku Razaleigh during the Razaleigh-Musa contest in 1981 and 1984 (even though Mahathir supported Musa and not Tengku Razaleigh) while he voted for Mahathir in the Razaleigh-Mahathir contest in 1987.

So Mahathir’s notion that if Najib had told Khir to stay out of the contest, and if it was just Mukhriz versus Khairy, then Mukhriz would have won instead is misguided (which means Mahathir is not really realistic after all).

Of course, although Mahathir was pissed that his son lost the Umno Youth leadership in 2009, he still played it cool and did not openly attack Najib (although behind the scenes he started lining up his forces for the fight against Najib that lay ahead of him).

Mahathir still needed to maintain some ‘goodwill’ with Najib due to an even bigger fight ahead of him.

That bigger fight was the party election in 2013 when Mukhriz was going to contest an Umno vice president’s seat.

But then six candidates entered this contest so Mukhriz came in fourth.

In third place was Hishammuddin Hussein (Najib’s cousin) who Mahathir believes if he had not contested then Mukhriz would have won instead.

Again, just like in 2009, Mahathir was working on the assumption that if you did not contest then your votes would have come to me.

In other words, if Hishammuddin did not contest then Mukhriz would have come in third.

But it does not work that way.

If Hishammuddin did not contest then those who voted for him may have voted for Shafie Apdal or Ahmad Zahid Hamidi instead.

Zahid garnered 188 votes while Shafie got 177 votes. Hishammuddin got 101 votes against Mukhriz’s 93.

Mohd Ali Rustam and Mohd Isa Samad got seven votes each so they are more or less non-starters.

Mahathir calculates that if Hishammuddin had stayed out then Mukhriz would have come in at number three or even number two or number one.

Mahathir may be right about number three but it is unlikely he would have come in number two or number one.

Anyway, this was the last straw that broke the camel’s back and that was when the final decision was made that Najib must be ousted.

Mahathir made up his mind that the 1MDB issue would be that weapon he uses against Najib.

But we have spoken about that a lot these last two years so let us now move on to the current scenario.

Last month, Sep 19 – 20, 2016, a forum was held in Oxford.

Mahathir’s daughter, Marina, and Najib’s brother, Nazir, were amongst those who attended the forum.

The purpose of this forum (just like in the April 2008 forum at Hotel Singgahsana in Petaling Jaya) was to discuss the setting up of a presidential council or a council of elders, to be called the NCC.

On his return from the UK, Nazir went to meet his brother, Najib, to inform him about this plan and to discuss the setting up of the council.

Najib just listened. He was quite amused but without committing to anything, knowing that his brother was not only naive but was being used by Mahathir.

What Nazir probably did not realise is that not only was he Mahathir’s tool, but Mahathir was launching a ‘silent coup’ like the way the British did with the sultans.


Mahathir realised that since December 2014 he had been attacking Najib but still the prime minister would not fall.

There is a saying: if you cannot beat them then you join them.

This is what Mahathir is trying to do.

He cannot beat Najib, so he wants to join Najib (in running the government).

But he wants to be in charge and to be able to tell Najib what to do.

The way to do it is to form a council and place Najib under this council where he would take instructions (or be ‘guided’) by the council.

Is this not precisely how a certain neighbouring country is doing it? (And you know who I am talking about and what I mean).

Mahathir said that the prime minister should be guided by the council because the cabinet is useless.

The cabinet is appointed by the prime minister so, of course, they will listen to Najib and do what he wants them to do.

The council, however, will not be Najib’s people.

So Najib will not be able to tell them what to do.

Instead, they will tell Najib what to do.

Nazir told his brother that this is going to be called the national consultative council or NCC2.

It is called NCC2 because in 1969 they had the NCC(1).

But then the NCC(1), headed by Najib’s father, Abdul Razak Hussein, was set up after Parliament had been suspended.

In today’s case, Parliament is still in session.

So how can Malaysia have a NCC2?

Would that mean Parliament now has to report to the NCC2?

Kua Kia Soong wrote about this matter yesterday.

Kua is anti-Umno and anti-government but even he appears to be anti-NCC2.

The NCC was formed after the suspension of the civil government.

When Parliament is suspended then the NCC replaces the civil government, just like the BMA the British formed after 1945 until the restoration of the civil government of Malaya, or Mageran in 1969.

Nazir did not seem to realise what he was proposing.

He was actually proposing a take-over of the government where power would shift from the hands of the four branches of government (the executive, legislature, judiciary and monarchy) into the hands of a government-within-a-government.

It is almost like having a military government (the British ‘gunboat strategy’ all over again).

In short, a coup was planned in Oxford last month in September and Najib’s brother, Nazir, was used to bring the ultimatum back to the prime minister to inform him that they (the council or NCC2) was taking over control of the country.

If you look at the ‘Rogues’ Gallery’ above, you can see that no Umno people are in the NCC2.

They have included the MCA and Gerakan presidents just to window-dress the whole thing and make it appear like the NCC is a government thing.

Have the MCA and Gerakan presidents been consulted and have they agreed to join this council?

Nazir must be an idiot to go along with this.

Does he not know he was not only being used but was an active member in a coup to take power from the prime minister, the cabinet and Malaysia’s Parliament?

In any other neighbouring country, Nazir would be in jail by now.

The members of the NCC2 are all hand-picked by Mahathir.

Najib has no say in the matter.

Najib will just accept this list and allow them to take control of the government.

After that the four branches of government (the executive, legislature, judiciary and monarchy) would be replaced by the NCC2.

Tunku Abdul Aziz Ibrahim said, “NCC2 could be Dr. M’s idea.”

Nazir seems to have taken offence and he replied to Tunku Aziz as follows:

Nazir's reply to Tunku Aziz.
Nazir’s reply to Tunku Aziz.

Nazir is sensitive about what Tunku Aziz said because he suddenly realised he had not properly considered the implications of the NCC2.

Nazir did not realise that what he proposed to his brother was actually a take-over of the government where the four branches of government (the executive, legislature, judiciary and monarchy) would be overridden by Mahathir’s council.

So that makes him a political novice who should stay out of politics.

If there were any doubts earlier as to how smart Nazir is, today it has been confirm that he is quite an idiot.

How can he go to his brother and propose an idea where the government will be handed to Mahathir’s council and the executive, legislature, judiciary and monarchy would come under Mahathir’s control?

The problem is Nazir thought he was the smarter brother of the two.

He thinks he and not Najib should be Malaysia’s finance minister.

When Mahathir’s boys bodek him and tell him sayang that Najib and not he is prime minister, he termakan bodek.

Nazir should realise that they were just using him to go against his brother because if Najib’s own brother opposed him then surely Najib must be a very bad person … Read More.

Source: Malaysia Today

Raja Petra Kamarudin or RPK, cousin to the Selangor Sultan, is one of Malaysia's earliest online 'citizen journalists'. He started his website in 1995 before the internet 'explosion' triggered by the Reformasi movement in September 1998. Malaysia Today was launched as a blog in August 2004 and is one of the few pioneer blogs still active and posting articles on a daily basis 24-7. RPK, 66 years old, has been writing since 1990.