Clare Rewcastle Brown may not be paid the RM20-30 million that Mahathir now owes her while people from the Tony Blair camp have begun to distance themselves from her as well.
Blair and his team want no part in the defamation suit that Abdul Hadi Awang recently brought against her at a court in London.
On Monday, April 24, 2017, 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) entered a settlement agreement of sorts with the International Petroleum Investment Company (IPIC), an energy investment firm wholly owned by the government of Abu Dhabi.
The settlement pertained a long-standing dispute over the status of Aabar Investments PJS Limited, a British Virgin Islands (BVI) company (Aabar BVI) IPIC once insisted wasn’t one of theirs.
In a bombshell made public on April 11, 2016, the Abu Dhabi firm denied ever receiving payments from Aabar BVI, adding that it had never “assumed liabilities on the BVI entity’s behalf.”
Both IPIC and its subsidiary, the Abu Dhabi registered Aabar (the real Aabar), insisted that the BVI entity “was not a corporate entity within either corporate group,” implying that officials from 1MDB were out to defraud the government of Abu Dhabi.
But the tables have since turned.
On Monday, April 24, 2017, IPIC effectively acknowledged the flow of 1MDB money to the BVI entity, which stands to reason that the Abu Dhabi firm no longer disassociates itself from Aabar BVI.
This can also be taken to mean that IPIC no longer denies assuming liabilities on the BVI entity’s behalf, or the possibility that its officials were attempting to defraud the Malaysian government.
That, in essence, is something many a government official may find a little far-fetched, though what people think of me is the least of my concerns.
What concerns me more is the fact that Lim Kit Siang is out to mislead the people.
Kit Siang is aware that the documents in my possession will derail his campaign against Najib in the lead up to the 14th General Election (GE14).
And that is why he is as determined as hell to tell people that the settlement agreement was nothing more than a ruse.
But enough about Kit Siang!
What you really need to know is that the settlement agreement brings an abrupt end to allegations by Clare Rewcastle Brown that Najib Razak had conspired with officials from 1MDB to rob the Malaysian fund of its wealth.
It stands to reason that allegations of money being channelled from 1MDB into the prime minister’s account were nothing but hogwash and twaddle by a very desperate woman who was paid to spread lies.
Will Clare Rewcastle Brown now issue a public apology to Malaysians for misleading them?
That is quite unlikely, though, it is what we’re here to discover through this article, the 14th in a series dedicated to laying bare a global elitist complicity against Southeast Asian economies.
Today, Malaysians will know for the first time ever the kind of distaste the settlement agreement left in Clare Brown’s mouth, and why it put a spoke in her relationship with Mahathir Mohamad, the godfather of corruption in Malaysia.
But first, some background.
What is Sarawak Report all about?
There are many existing versions as to how and why Sarawak Report was established.
While some of these versions may hold true, it is not my intention to agree or disagree with any of them.
All I am offering is my understanding of how and why the portal was established based on evidence I sighted and that which is currently in my possession.
As the story goes, when Najib first made public a multi-billion dollar joint venture initiative between 1MDB and China’s State Grid Corporation (SGCC), it almost destroyed Andrew Brown, the brother-in-law of the United Kingdom’s (UK’s) then Prime Minister, Gordon Brown.
Andrew, who also happens to be Clare’s husband, was particularly concerned that his hopes of becoming the UK’s chief energy lobbyist to China seemed headed for collapse.
The January 11, 2010 announcement told Andrew that his vision of spearheading EDF Energy’s venture into Southeast Asian energy generation and supply was doomed to failure as the Chinese had set their sights on Sarawak based hydro-electric projects.
He and his team immediately got to work establishing Sarawak Report, a fake news portal he dedicated to turning the Chinese government against the government of Malaysia (GoM).
Days after its establishment, the portal’s chief editor, Clare Rewcastle Brown, embarked on a mission to paint the GoM as being run by a bunch of corporate cowboys who thrived on crony-capitalists and cash-rich tycoons.
Her goal was to hurt the Malaysian economy in ways that had the potential of crippling the GoM.
To shoo investors away, she accused the GoM of defrauding taxpayers and engaging in shoddy business schemes and tactics.
As convincing a writer as she was, the only problem with her was her propensity to tell lies.
Half her stories were wrapped around conjectures, suppositions and hearsay, while the other half were based on evidence she doctored but furnished as the ‘cut and dry proof’.
Nothing she said was ever the truth, and neither was she interested in discovering the truth.
How did George Soros fit into the scheme of things?
Soros is the man who, in May 1990, contrived a 20-year masterplan together with the Rothschilds to exert a remote form of jurisdiction over Southeast Asian economies.
The plan came about following the discovery of deep-water technology the Chinese had developed and perfected for drilling in the South China Sea.
The Rothschilds conceded that the Chinese would venture deeper into the disputed waterway should Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam and the Philippines not claim a swath of the western Pacific north of Borneo.
It was their contention that the Chinese would work towards establishing a collaborative security framework with the GoM to secure the South China Sea from western influence.
And therein the problem.
The Rothschilds knew that a Sino-Malaysian accord over maritime security would leverage Malaysia’s position as a regional energy gateway.
Back in the 1990’s, it was already known that the South China Sea was pivotal to China’s proliferation in oil and gas trade with the Mideast.
It was only logical for the Chinese to turn a Muslim democracy – one at the epicenter of regional territorial disputes – into its energy partner and maritime surveillance ally.
Prospects of that happening gave the Rothschilds the jitters, as it became clear that Chinese energy capital – large sums of it – would more sooner than later flow through Malaysia’s financial and administrative systems.
As it was, Chinese energy consumption was rising at such proportions the Rothschilds figured that it was only a matter of time before the People’s Republic would factor Malaysia into its regional and global energy frameworks.
But that wasn’t the only fear.
The Rothschilds also knew that the South China Sea housed an abundance of fuel reserves, currently estimated at 11 billion barrels of crude oil and 190 trillion cubic feet of natural gas.
These reserves held the promise of reducing China’s dependence on crude oil imports and fit perfectly into the republic’s 2030 agenda for sustainable development.
Soros knew that the Chinese had plans to turn the People’s Republic into the western Pacific’s largest, and possibly even cheapest, energy hub.
That, in essence, was his biggest fear, prospects of which threatened to disrupt the Rothschilds’ dealings with some wealthy oil barons.
Some Mideast caliphs were known to pump millions and millions into offshore entities the Rothschilds had large interests in. Others had signed very lucrative deals with Canada in the business of oil sands exploration.
It was for this reason, above all, that Soros was told to find ways in which Chinese capital due east could be diverted through his funds and ultimately, the Mid-eastern energy corridor.
For that to happen, the billionaire magnate needed the Chinese to forge alliances with the IPIC and the Saudi-based PetroSaudi International, two oil and gas-themed corporations that often indulged in backdoor deals.
But a decision by Najib to forge alliances with the Chinese made Soros’ work all the more difficult.
The fact that the Chinese were willing to work with the Najib administration indicated that the Chinese were looking for a reliable and secure energy partner, one that was not fraught with ambiguity and doubt.
It was then that Soros decided to turn the Chinese against the GoM.
He made it his goal to prove that the GoM was itself fraught with ambiguity and doubt, that Najib was no different than your typical Mideast conman.
So what did Soros do
A very bitter and distraught Soros immediately convened an emergency meeting with the former Prime Minister of the United Kingdom (UK), Tony Blair.
The billionaire magnate told Blair that the Najib regime was a threat he needed to eliminate.
The meeting resolved to launch a multi-channeled, multibillion-dollar offensive against 1MDB and the Najib administration.
The plan was to turn the Chinese against 1MDB and ultimately, Najib.
To realise the plan, Soros engaged the services of a group that inadvertently triggered the 2007 world financial crisis.
Leading that group was Marcus Ambrose Paul Agius, the current non-executive director of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) and a person Rewcastle and her husband, Andrew Brown, revere and fawn upon with never-ending praise.
But that is all about the here and now.
Back in 2010, circumstances were a little different.
On the February 2, that very year, Marcus introduced the then IPIC managing director Khadem al-Qubaisi, to a group of cash rich Emiratis that heavily invested in Barclays, a British multinational banking and financial services company Marcus was then the chair of.
That same month, Qubaisi began establishing a network of BVI companies with the help of a Panamanian tax-scam expert, Jürgen Rolf Dieter Mossack.
What did Khadem al-Qubaisi do
On October 18, 2010, Qubaisi and the group of cash-rich Emiratis sounded the alarm as Mubadala Development Company PJSC (Mubadala), a sovereign wealth fund wholly owned by the government of Abu Dhabi, signed two collaborative agreements centered on energy and infrastructural development with 1MDB.
The agreements, worth up to USD7 billion, triggered some back and forth between the Emiratis, Blair and Marcus.
The group discussed ways to fracture Mubadala’s ties with 1MDB and resolved to “reduce 1MDB to insolvency.”
Sheikh Mansour Sultan al-Nahyan, the chair of IPIC, was complicit with Qubaisi despite the chair of Mubadala being the former’s brother.
Both Mansour and Qubaisi sought to illegally benefit from the eventual movement of 1MDB funds through the network of BVI companies Qubaisi had just established.
An opportunity to do just that presented itself in 2012 when Qubaisi got the IPIC to guarantee all obligations (principal and associated interests) associated with the issue of some bonds.
The bonds, worth USD3.5 billion in total, were issued by two 1MDB subsidiaries to raise capital needed for the purchase of some power assets.
Qubaisi and Mansour planned to saddle 1MDB with such debt, that the fund would be ill-capacitated to service its obligations to creditors as they became due.
For the plan to work, Qubaisi sought Blair’s assistance to trigger a banking conspiracy.
Suffice to say, the conspiracy was led by a team that resolved to prevent the Malaysian fund from “reducing its debt to equity ratio.”
Such was the directive emanating from the desk of a key executive from CIMB, who seemed to be the guy calling all the shots.
Per plan, Mansour was due to make a very important announcement on August 15, 2014.
The announcement – drafted by Blair and agreed upon by Qubaisi – was to make public 1MDB’s “failure in fulfilling its obligations to IPIC pursuant to agreements that existed between the two funds.”
It was the date Mansour was supposed to announce that Aabar BVI “was not an entity within the IPIC’s corporate group.”
However, the planned announcement never took place.
A bitter quarrel that erupted between Qubaisi and Mansour forced the latter to put the planned announcement on the back burner.
The quarrel pertained a decision by Mansour to dispose of some shares that Qubaisi once held beneficial interests in.
On July 20, 2013, Mansour promised to reward Qubaisi with a ten percent cut from the proceeds of the sale. Up until July 30, 2014, there was no sign that the 10% would ever come.
A furious Qubasi drew the line and declared that he had no intention of returning IPIC’s interests – worth some USD20 billion in various asset categories – that he and his associates were beneficial owners of.
That meant the sums remitted by 1MDB to Aabar BVI were, for all intents and purposes, stolen.
A very shaken and distraught Mansour immediately approached his associates, who told the IPIC chair to let Qubaisi be until they figured out what to do.
One thing led to another before Mansour finally decided to distance himself from Aabar BVI.
On April 11, 2016, an IPIC spokesperson announced that the BVI Aabar “was not an entity within its corporate group.”
The announcement was made following an emergency meeting that took place between Mansour and Blair.
The former British premier convinced the IPIC chair that the case against 1MDB “was strong enough to weather a legal battle.”
IMDB-IPIC settlement affected Clare Rewcastle Brown
On August 14, 2014, barely a month after Clare Brown forged a working relationship with Mahathir Mohamad, Soros got his foundations and funds to initiate the transfer of some USD30 million through offshore entities linked to Daim Zainuddin, Mahathir’s chief strategist.
A week later, Mahathir effected the transfer of some RM20 million into the coffers of a group linked to the chief editor of Sarawak Report, Clare Brown.
The money was to part finance the publication of some very distorted and damaging articles against Najib and 1MDB.
Clare Brown was told to train her guns at Rosmah Mansor, the wife of the prime minister, to convince Malaysians that “Rosmah was a very evil and cunning lady who was running the show” from behind the curtains of deceit.
Now, all of that was meant as a sideshow to prevent Malaysians from asking the right questions.
For instance, Malaysians should have asked Mahathir to adduce proof of Najib’s crimes instead of asking Najib to prove his innocence.
By getting Malaysians to ‘see’ that Najib was morally unfit to lead the country, everyone stopped thinking and started to believe anything that Clare Brown wrote.
Fabricated charge sheet
After getting Malaysians hooked to Sarawak Report, Mahathir got his men in the MACC and the Attorney General’s chambers to fabricate a charge sheet against Najib.
As it turns out – and based on direct communication between Tony Pua and Clare Brown – the charge sheet was supposed to have been published by Sarawak Report following the planned arrest of the prime minister.
In other words, the publication was supposed to hit the internet on July 31, 2015.
However, the sacking of former Attorney General Abdul Gani Patail on the July 28, 2015 prompted Clare Brown to publish the charge sheet a day earlier than planned, implying that Najib sacked Gani to prevent himself from being arrested.
Days later, Mahathir pissed Clare Brown off when he severed all forms of communication with her.
So furious was she, I am told, she called the former premier “a bag of worthless dirt” who was a @$%#^&& bigot.
Then, a year later, following a decision by IPIC to move its spat with 1MDB into arbitration, Mahathir got in touch with Clare Brown once again.
This time, he tasked her to flood the internet with damaging articles against Najib and Jho Low, such that Mansour would believe 1MDB had in its closet enough skeletons to seek an out of court settlement.
Just for that, the former premier pledged to pay Clare Brown USD1 million per article to convince IPIC officials that 1MDB was on the losing end.
He needed Mansour to believe that Sarawak Report had in its possession very compelling evidence against the Malaysian fund, that come what may, Najib would seek for a settlement that would potentially benefit IPIC and Mansour.
Clare pissed off
Hinged on the idea that she would pocket some USD5 million for herself, Clare Brown got to work fabricating stories like there was no tomorrow.
In the months that followed, she told Malaysians that the United States (US) Department of Justice (DoJ) and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) knew of Najib’s complicity with 1MDB officials.
She went so far as to claim that Najib was the person the US DoJ referred to as MO1.
But all the while, she had absolutely no clue what the US DoJ was really up to.
Then, the minute the IPIC-1MDB settlement agreement was made public, Mahathir severed all forms of communication with Clare Brown once again.
This time, however, the Sarawak Report chief editor is not taking things lying down.
I am told she is at this very minute contemplating getting her lawyers to “teach Mahathir a lesson he will never forget.”
But just how she plans to accomplish that was unclear to me.
However, my team is sure that not only will the Sarawak Report chief editor not be paid the RM20-30 million that Mahathir now owed her, people from the Blair camp have begun to distance themselves from her as well.
I am told, Blair and his team want no part in the defamation suit that Abdul Hadi Awang recently brought against her at London court.
And that begs the question – will Clare Brown finally own up and issue a public apology to the people of Malaysia for misleading them?
I really don’t know, but there is talk that she has not dismissed the option altogether. – Malaysia Today